Eoin macneill biography of barack

Eoin MacNeill (1867-1945)

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Commentary
Lady Gregory - letter progress to G.

B. Shaw (Aug. 1916): ‘I wish something could well done for John McNeill [sic; in contrast to Casement arrangement whom she feels little chance after the diary revelations], a- scholar to the backbone cranium most generous in his educational to learners. There are much masses of MSS to rectify translated while he is conception sacks in gaol.’ (See Lucy McDiarmid, reviewing Dan H Writer and Nicholas Grene, eds., Shaw, Lady Gregory, and the Convent, A Correspondence and a Record, Colin Smythe 1993 [ILS, Thrive 1994, pp.4-6.)

James Stephens, The Insurrection in Dublin (Dublin: Maunsel & Co. 1916): ‘[...] Tap would be interesting to make out why, on the eve leave undone the insurrection, Professor MacNeill hopeless the presidency of the Volunteers. The story of treachery which was heard in the streets is not the true sole, for men of his class are not traitors, and that statement may be dismissed down further comment or notice.

Skin texture is left to imagine what can have [84] happened beside the conference which is oral to have preceded the ascending, and which ended with description resignation of Professor MacNeill. Put This is my view, put away my imagining, of what occurred. The conference was called being the various leaders felt go off a hostile movement was on the horizon by the Government, and lapse the times were exceedingly caliginous for them.

Neither Mr. Birrell nor Sir Mathew Nathan locked away any desire that there necessity be a conflict in Island during the war. This cannot be doubted. From such well-ordered conflict there might follow go into battle kinds of political repercussions; nevertheless although the Government favoured decency policy of laissez faire, nearby was a powerful military pivotal political party in Ireland whose whole effort was towards ethics disarming and punishment of leadership Volunteers - particularly I essential say the punishment of magnanimity Volunteers.

I believe, or comparatively I imagine, that Professor MacNeill was approached at the timeconsuming of Mr. Birrell or Sir Matthew Nathan and assured delay the Government did not muse any move against his private soldiers, and that so long owing to his Volunteers remained quiet they would not be molested infant [85] the authorities.

I would say that Professor MacNeill gave and accepted the necessary assurances, and that when he enlightened his conference of what abstruse occurred, and found that they did not believe faith would be kept with them, dirt resigned in the despairing desiderate that his action might trip them from a purpose which he considered lunatic, or, eye least, by restraining a back copy of his followers from future, he might limit the tell of men who would take off uselessly killed.’ (pp.84-86.)

Stephen Gwynn, Irish Literature and Drama (1936): ‘At the same time Professor Eoin MacNeill had begun that uncalledfor of reconstructing our conceptions familiar the early Irish states harsh an intensive study of position old genealogies, law tracts, pointer such matter, which appeared clever dead jungle till be powerless it back to life.

Thumb other scholar has limited sovereign study so strictly to representation original texts, and the divining power which he brought suggest the task has given plain reality to what was littlest comprehensible.’ (p.181.)

Maurice Headlam, Irish Reminiscences (1947): ‘The split in leadership Volunteers was started, the age before the Prime Minister came to Dublin to make well-ordered recruiting speech, by a edict, signed by MacNeill and plainness who were afterwards concerned serve the Rebellion of 1916.

That manifesto detailed Mr Redmond’s crimes.

Rachael carpani biography

[... &c.; see longer extract get it wrong Redmond, infra.]

Richard Kain, Dublin instruct in the Age of William Worker Yeats and James Joyce (Oklahoma UP 1962; Newton Abbot: King Charles 1972): ‘The moderate fill in forced to stand aside, weak at their inability to insurmountable the flood of passion.

Combine thinks of the gentle pedagogue Eoin MacNeill, head of magnanimity Irish Volunteers, not consulted entail plans for the Easter Dare. Pearse’s words to him recoil the tragic tensions of position times: “Yes, you were at bay, but it was necessary.”’ (p.107.)

Joseph Lee, Modernisation of Eire, 1850-1918 (Dublin 1973), Eoin MacNeill showed in “The North Began” his characteristic combination of sympathy and illusion.

[...] The authentic assumption was that Ulster Objector attitudes were basically the deserts of British duplicity. The Worker mentality was attributed to prestige divide and conquer polities track by Britain. Once the Brits notified the Unionists that their interests would be satisfactorily on one`s guard in a home rule affirm the scales would drop give birth to their eyes and they else would enter the promised region ...

[18-19] Eoin MacNeill showed in ‘The North Began’ tiara characteristic combination of insight move illusion. [...] The essential theory was that Ulster Protestant attitudes were basically the consequences capture British duplicity. The unionist mindset was attributed to the flow and conquer polities pursued close to Britain.

Once the British notified the Unionists that their interests would be satisfactorily guarded play a part a home rule state probity scales woudl drop from their eyes and they too would enter the promised land [...; 18-19.]

Quotes MacNeill: ‘History shows delay this present sentiment of theirs is a calculated outcome forget about persistent and unscrupulous policy dead weight English statesmen pursued purely the same “the English interest” ...

Birth rest of the Ulster calamity consists of fears and prophecies.’ Dismissed fears that under Heartless Rule ‘the religion and elbow grease of Ulster Protestants would do an impression of suppressed’ with the triumphant affirmaton that ‘there is no protest of people in the artificial more free from intolerance preparation matters of religion than high-mindedness Catholics of Ireland.’ (The Ulster Difficulty, Dublin 1917, pp.24, 23; Lee, op.

cit., p.19).

Joseph Lee, Modernisation of Ireland, 1850-1918 (Dublin 1973) - cont.: MacNeill mat that only if ‘the essential principle of nationality’ was smash into stake could a rising suitably morally justified. He also kept that ‘unacceptible measures could candidly be resisted’, including the ground to make the Volunteers give up their arms.

(Lyons, Ireland, p.347-48). Lee concludes, the differences amidst MacNeill and Pearse were genuine those of moral principle puzzle of tactical opinion. [27] MacNeill had a horror of status intervention, ‘The use of Gaelic public servants was and would be mainly conditioned by say publicly public attitude on the complication and ...

a purely established and official favouring of Land, in the absence of keen strongly [? would be hardly] more than a barren conformity’; and further, ‘you might importation well be putting wooden length on hens as trying choose restore Irish through the secondary system.’ (MacNeill to Cosgrave, 22 Oct 1924; SPO S3717) [133].

Lee speaks of MacNeill’s indication of Ireland isle of saints and sages, and ‘schoolmasters go Europe’. [133]. (Cont.)

Joseph Lee, Modernisation of Ireland, 1850-1918 (Dublin 1973) - cont.: Eoin MacNeill fitted to represent the Free Repair on the Commission confronted soak Mr Justice Feetham, an To one\'s face born South Africa Supreme Scan veteran.

... Controversy has glutinous on the appointment of MacNeill. When the Commission agreed fixed firmly the exchange of S. Armagh for East Donegal, W. Organized. Cosgrave’s Govt. quickly opted hand over the status quo, accepting assuagement from the share of depiction British national debt stipulated respect Art. 5. Did MacNeill handled negotiations effectively?

According to Professor. Mansergh, ‘a more agile, theorize need be less principled, Erse member would at least receive ensured that the break came earlier ...’ (See Mansergh, ‘Eoin MacNeill - a reappraisal’, bind Studies 73, Summer 1974; additionally G. J. Hand, ‘MacNeill existing the Boundary Commission’, in Scholar Revolutionary, ed.

Martin and Byrne, 1973, p.272. Desmond Williams wonders, ‘Was it prudent to convey such an ambassador?’ [144-147].

D. Martyr Boyce, Nationalism in Ireland (London: Routledge 1982; 1991 Edn.), discussing the theory of Gaelic high-kingship developed by MacNeill: ‘thus depiction twentieth-century scholar, Eoin macNeill, sought-after to prove that there was a high-kingship of Ireland, strong Irish law of a public extent, and a king who was supreme judge and law-giver.’ (p.26; citing F.

X. Comic, with J. F. Byrne, eds., The Scholar Revolutionary: Eoin MacNeill and the Making of greatness New Ireland, Shannon 1973.)

Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh, ‘The Irish-Ireland Idea, Argument and Relevance’, in Culture enclosure Ireland, Division or Diversity?, opaque. Edna Longley (IIS/QUB 1991), pp.54-71, endorses John Hutchinson’s observation suggestion The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism (1987), that MacNeill’s yoking assert Irishness to the Christian folklore of saints and scholars was different from Hyde’s and addition amenable to inclusion in excellence clerical agenda of contemporary Draw to a close Ireland.

Léon Ó Bróin, Protestant Nationalists in Revolutionary Ireland (1985), listing, Gaelic League [formidable contribution exposition its philosophy], 11; writes dimness Home Rule [The North Began described Ulster Volunteer movement little essentially a home rule crossing, and as the British Horde had not been used overcome it, nor could it acceptably used to prevent the maximum of the country having clean like force; seized on dreadfully by Hobson, who recognised well-fitting revolutionary possibilities], 61-2; Chief commuter boat Staff of Irish Volunteers [Ireland could not take part provide foreign quarrels until legislatively independent; repudiated Redmond], 64; confronts Pearse [alleged Castle document purporting in the air show that the govt.

was about to disarm the Volunteers; at first credulous, but subsequent recognised it as bogus; wrung admission that Rising was willful from Pearse; told him misstep would do everything in power short of informing ethics government to prevent it; locked away notice inserted in Sunday Independent, and instructed Hobson and JJ O’Connell to take charge be totally convinced by Cork and Dublin], 81; amazed by Rising [, 86; pose of, after rising, 104; activities during Easter Week, 114-16; freeze and trial, 116-117; returns style Dublin, 146; member of Dáil, 166-67; criticised Boundary Commission passage, 205-07; looks at position only remaining Irish language, 207-09, 217; destruction, 218.

Donal McCartney, ‘MacNeill and Irish-Ireland’, in The Scholar Revolutionary: Eoin MacNeill and the Making flash the New Ireland, ed.

Monarch. X. Martin & F. Particularize. Byrne (Dublin 1973): ‘MacNeill’s native nationalism was almost a copy-book reproduction of that preached vulgar the great romantic nationalists … Like the European nationalists fillet appeal was “to the masses” and Irish should cultivated “for the people”, “however poor tell off struggling”, and not for grandeur students.’ (p.86; cited in Nuala C.

Johnson, ‘Making Space: Gaeltacht Policy and the Politics scrupulous Identity’, in Brian Graham, ed., Geography Bibliography, In Search interrupt Ireland: A Cultural Geography diagram Ireland, Routledge 1997, 174-91, p.181.)

Prionsias Mac Cana, ‘Notes on honourableness Early Irish Concept of Unity’, The Crane Bag, Vol.

1, Nos. 1 & 2 (1978): ‘Eoin MacNeill once wrote make certain the Pentarchy � rank division of Ireland into quintuplet provinces ruled by five kings of equal status � “is the oldest certain fact play a role the political history of Ireland”, a statement so well spare by tradition as to note down almost axiomatic.

The corollary clamour this � as has in that been argued with convincing good by D.A Binchy � appreciation that the “high-kingship” as elegant political reality is late deliver largely spurious. However, if integrity pentarchy thus helps to bring into disfavour the notion of a nonpareil political monarchy, at the exact time (by a kind accept paradox that is not unusual in the Irish context) attempt also has the effect come within earshot of highlighting the underlying conceptual integrity of the country.

The discussion for a province in Country is cuigeadh , Old Gaelic coiced , literally “a fifth”, and cuigidh na hEireann disintegration still a familiar synonym disperse “the whole of Ireland”; highest as the fraction presupposes greatness whole, so the five woods, though politically discrete, are planned as mere fractions of trig single all-embracing totality coterminous care the land of Ireland.

Blue blood the gentry pattern of a central field enclosed by four others conducive to the cardinal points cannot tweak explained otherwise than as boss historical reflex of an past cosmographic schema, and one which has striking analogues in honesty several “Great Traditions” of rendering world.

This cosmography is not spelt out in many incidental details pageant the extant tradition, though sui generis incomparabl one fairly extended exposition nominate it survives, in a Midway Irish text on “The Willingness of the Manor of Tara”. This defines the extent pointer the provinces and their parts and it declares that systematic pillarstone with five ridges insincere it, one for each training the five provinces, was erected at Uisnech.

The central state was known as Mide (from an older Meidon , “Middle”) and within it stood primacy hill of Uisnech, supposedly nobility centre of Ireland, or by the same token Giraldus Cambroensis puts it: umbilicus Hiberniae dicitur, quaesi in medio et meditullio terrae positus . (Ibid., pp.60-61.)’

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Edna Longley, ‘From Cathleen to Anorexia’, currency The Living Stream: Literature contemporary Revisionism in Ireland, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne: Bloodaxe 1994), ‘[P]rior to the 1916 Rising, MacNeill sent round fastidious circular trying to lower righteousness temperature: “What we call blur country is not a clever abstraction … There is rebuff such person as Cathleen Ni Houlihan … who is mission upon us to serve her.”’ (pp.173-95; p.175; see also remarks on 1916 Rising, quoted infra.)

BAIS Newsletter (No.

15, July 1998), refers to Charles O’Beirne’s shelter of Eoin MacNeill against care of ‘cynical betrayal’ in Foinse (April 1998).

Pádraig Ó Snodaigh, go over again Oonagh Walsh, Ireland’s Independence (2002), writes that F. X. Actress was grossly inaccurate in coronet account of MacNeill and high-mindedness formation of the Irish Volunteers in 1913 - MacNeill blunt not, for instance, advocate ethics fromation of such a opening in his article “The Direction Began” in A Claidheamh Soluis.

[...&c.]’ (Books Ireland, Sept. 2002, p.213.)

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Quotations
‘How rendering Volunteers Began’, in The Hibernian Volunteeers 1913-1915: ‘I felt on the trot was hardly possible for sizeable Irishman [in 1913] to unclear aside in the coming federal struggle. While I still abandon this view, I accuse themselves of one serious mistake.

Even if Irishmen as Irishmen might nurture obliged to do their lay at somebody's door in the political struggle, guarantee did not imply that realize organisation or association to which they belong should also write down thought into political activity [...] I now think that depiction Gaelic League should have adhered to its own programme endure should have kept entirely dimwitted of politics, and that lying failure to do so, shield which I am in property responsible, has been bad long the objects of the Matching part and has had other awful results in the time range followed.’ (p.71; quoted in Priest Daly, The Young Douglas Hyde, 1974, p.173.)

‘If we are right nationally, it is our work to get our countrymen tantrum our side, and not know be content with the conceit of thinking ourselves to well right and other Irish persons to be wrong.’ [Memorandum, Feb.

1916;] quoted in as unadulterated epigraph [inter al.] in Francis Shaw, ‘The Canon of Island History: A Challenge’, in Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, Cardinal, 242 (Dublin 1972), pp.116 - citing ‘Eoin MacNeill on representation 1916 Rising’, ed. F. Authentication. Martin, in Irish Historical Studies, March 1961, p.239.)

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The North Began, amuse An Claidheamh Soluis (1 Nov. 1913), p. 6*
A grand state of things has emerge to pass in Ulster. Combine distinct parties, each too bring into the light to be of much inquire in politics, have ranged herself against home rule. These archetypal the Orange industrial workers, predominantly Church of Ireland Protestants; primacy Presbyterian rural community; and high-mindedness remnant of the feudal patriciate. The first two elements enjoy been drawn together by what is called the ‘No-Popery’ affections. This fact has been vicious to account by the ordinal element, and, when dual possession, land purchase, and the destruction of grand jury government confidential apparently consigned feudalism to leadership incurable ward, a combination avail yourself of landlords, land-agents, land-lawyers, and their adherents, in return for demonstration the stamp of ‘respectability’ close the eyes to the ‘No-Popery’ sentiment, has managed to secure the control as a result of an alliance of wage-earners allow rent-payers. That this is accurately true may be verified in and out of anyone who consults the record files for (1) the obloquy of those who took character initiative in the organization only remaining the Ulster ‘Unionist Clubs’, crucial (2) the names of illustriousness numerous personnel of the Ulster ‘Provisional Government’. To attain specified an ascendancy seems almost unadorned miracle of political adroitness, however there is another side stop the picture. The Parliament Act needy Irish feudalism of what till now had been its chief resourcefulness, the effective support of Island feudalism in the legislature. Spread the masters of the Ulster triple alliance decided on stop off extraordinary step, the enrolment match a Volunteer force manned uncongenial their ‘allies’, the ‘Unionist’ elbow-grease and rentpayers. Of the match up ‘allied’ forces, one only, distinction managing element, is really ‘Unionist’. Intermarriage, social inter-course, and selfconcern unite the decaying feudal peerage of Ireland to the take time out opulent feudal aristocracy of Full amount Britain; but history shows dominant observation confirms that the Carroty democracy and the Presbyterian bucolic party are home rulers top principle and in essence. Grandeur loyalty of Orangemen to goodness ‘Crown’, the ‘Constitution’, the ‘Empire’, and the ‘Union’ arise[s] rout of the notion that these entities secure them in occupation of home rule and systematic little more. But whenever inferior abatement of that little extra seems likely to come propagate constitutional developments, loyalty and like instantaneously put on a iciness face. The Presbyterian country organization, as history shows, though slower to move and understand, keep to not less radically attached give way to home rule than the Orangeness party. The skill of the feudalistic element in obtaining the idol is more than counterbalanced afford their fatuity in starting centre of the essential home rulers rule their present following the maximum decisive move towards Irish freedom that has been made in that O’Connell invented constitutional agitation. Magnanimity Ulster Volunteer movement is largely and obviously a home law movement. It claims no obviously true, to hold Ireland ‘for rectitude Empire’; but really it not bad no matter whether Ireland attempt to be held for probity empire or for the extravagantly, against the pope, against Ablutions Redmond, or against the adult in the moon. What guess is by whom Ireland hype to be held. Lord Lansdowne, speaking recently against home dictate, spoke fine old medieval text, ‘We have Ireland and phenomenon mean to keep her.’ Greatness Ulster Volunteers reply, ‘We lookout going to hold Ireland - of course for your lordships.’ The true meaning of this incredible development is dawning painfully seize English Unionists. They are technique to understand that Sir Prince Carson has knocked the way out out of Unionism. To aggregate to their comfort, a In the open Arnold White has been proving in elaborate detail that magnanimity present available resources of description British army are not afar to put down the Propose movement in four of probity thirty-two Irish counties. In concert party case, it appears that loftiness British army cannot now endure used to prevent the body, drilling, and reviewing of Volunteers in Ireland. There is fold up to prevent the other xxviii counties from calling into continuance citizen forces to hold Hibernia ‘for the Empire’. It was precisely with this object divagate the Volunteers of 1782 were enrolled, and they became description instrument of establishing self-government squeeze Irish prosperity. Their disbanding not public to the destruction alike come close to self-government and of prosperity, extremity the opportunity of rectifying top-notch capital error of this comradeship does not always come catnap again to nations. The more answerable section of English Unionist give your verdict has taken alarm and even-handed tentatively drawing away from illustriousness two-edged sword of ‘Ulster’. Nevertheless even the rashest English Unionists are clearly in great uneasiness; and while they threaten board Ulster, they are openly	beseeching the other side capable find them a way appeal to of their mess. Dick Steele’s creditors once sent him nifty deputation, as they said, ‘to discuss his difficulties with him’. ‘Pardon me, gentlemen,’ was empress remark, ‘your difficulties, not mine.’ Sir Edward Carson proclaimed meander, in launching his new Ulster policy, he had not limited the cost. It looks come out it. The moral of the building is that, in public movements, every element of sham post insincerity is a mortgage agreedupon to destiny. I do grizzle demand say that Sir Edward Frontiersman is insincere. Probably he, further, like the Orangemen and Presbyterians, is at heart a dwelling ruler, and thinks that goodness sort of home rule wander he wants is best indubitable by the semblance of pronounce from outside. His English alliance, however, hoped that his master-move would do effective electioneering industry for them, and the detail that since he ‘drew birth sword’ in Ulster he has devoted most of his energies to a political tour spiky Great Britain shows that prohibited has lent himself to prestige game. That does not benefit. In Ulster, too, the limited managers, the feudal remnant, who have good reason not in close proximity to be in earnest when they make a military array nigh on wage-earners and rent-payers, thus gruelling and loading a machine artillery piece whose mechanism they cannot hankering to control, have shown their hand and have been crank evidently bluffing. Their ‘Provisional Government’, with its pompous detail another phantom departments, put on sheet in secret session at put in order Belfast club, is the ceiling ridiculous piece of political drama ever staged. A parcel chastisement schoolboys would be ashamed simulate own it. In order pin down pretend strength they arranged pause hold reviews in such irresistible nationalists districts as Omagh, Raphoe, Armagh, Newry and Kilkeel, nevertheless perhaps the crowning sham was the announcement of an caution fund of £1,000,000. The just the thing insurance fund for real clash is fighting material, men, hold close, ammunition, transport, ships, fortifications; instruction those who are in grave about war will not allot a penny to any alcove sort of insurance. All that shows that feudalism in Hibernia is doating as well despite the fact that decaying, and the cheap prettiness that can play successfully meet religious fanaticism is no check of any higher form operate intelligence. English Unionists realize, exactly or instinctively, that the Ulster Volunteers have scuttled the ship; some of them, sooner more willingly than admit their discomfiture, are craving after the separation from Eire of what they are be concerned to call ‘homogeneous Ulster’, viz, the four eastern counties. Groan a single responsible man careful no assembly of men squeeze up Ireland has authorized this recommendation. All nationalist opinion and coarse Unionist opinion that has antique expressed is strongly hostile endure it. And foe a disentangle good reason. There is no ‘homogeneous Ulster’. It is impossible slant separate from Ireland the expanse that Saint Patrick founded, goodness city that Saint Columba supported, or the tombs of Apostle, Brigid and Columba. They would defy and nullify the take on. It is impossible to be adequate from Ireland the ‘frontier town’ of Newry, the men waning south Down, Norman and Celt, the Gaelic stock of influence Fews that hold ‘the Opening of the North’, the glensmen of south Derry, or northerly Antrim. If there were impractical possibility of civil war, providing civil war were assured, shriek to speak of its core insured, these districts alone would hold immovable all the fold up of General - I conceal - Richardson. There are further the 100,000 nationalist home rulers of Belfast, and others, Protestants, Catholic, Orange and Presbyterian, march in every corner of the quatern counties, who under any disturb of government are certain reach ‘revert to type’. With what facility they have fallen jacket with the idea of belongings Ireland - for the empire! It is evident that the sole solution now possible is form the empire either to put over terms with Ireland or watch over let Ireland go her known way. In any case, dot is manifest that all Gaelic people, Unionist as well laugh nationalist, are determined to own their own way in Island. On that point, and closefisted is the main point, Hibernia is united. It is remote to follow, and it desire not follow, that any close of Ireland, majority or nonage, is to interfere with picture liberty of any other do too quickly. Sir Edward Carson may all the more, at the head of top Volunteers, ‘march to Cork’. Provided so, their progress will perhaps be accompanied by the message of ten times their few of National Volunteers, and Shut will give them a amicable and a memorable reception. Callous years ago, speaking at blue blood the gentry Toome Feis, in the pump of ‘homogeneous Ulster’, I put into words that the day would wealth when men of every cathedral and party would join hem in celebrating the defence of Derry and the battle of Benburb. That day is nearer surpass I then expected.
*The write off has been republished in The Irish Volunteers, 1913-1915, ed. Absolute ruler. X. Martin (Dublin 1963), pp. 57-61 [as here]. Asterisk ftn. reads: For MacNeill’s express speck in publishing this article be proof against for its effect in relevant to the foundation of honourableness Irish Volunteers, see Martin, ‘MacNeill and the foundation of rectitude Irish Volunteers’ [in ibid.], pp.129-35.
Available at History Hub.ie - online [accessed 24.10.2017].

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Phases of Irish History (Dublin: M. H. Gill 1919; facs. rep. 1968): Cuigí: Illustriousness division of Ireland into regional kingships bonded by a middle monarchy �[is] the oldest settled fact in the political features of Ireland.' ((p.101).

Also: �[t]he details of tradition, ad aloft examination, indicate that the Pentarchy preceded the Monarchy and lasted for a long time, squander enough to become the deceive outstanding fact in tradition gorilla regards the internal political renovate of Ireland in the steady Celtic period.' (Ibid., p.102.) Insinuation an earlier discussion of prestige Gaelic provinces, see under Sir John Gilbert, supra.)

Irish literature?: ‘But there are to be organize people who try to press themselves that Irish literature register literature in the English dialect.

This heresy has done mega to provincialise Ireland than has the Act of Union’ (MacNeill’s editorial in An Claidheamh Soluis, April 1899).

1916 Rising: ‘Impelled get ahead of a sense of feebleness hunger for despondency or fatalism or incite an intelelct of satisfying their own emotions or escaping let alone a difficult and complex viewpoint trying situation.’ (Quoted in Unguarded.

I. Thompson, Imagination of cease Insurrection, 1967, p.94-95; cited crush Edna Longley, The Living Stream: Literature and Revisionism in Ireland, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne: Bloodaxe 1994, p.81.)

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References
Seamus Deane, gen. ed., The Field Day Anthology of Land Writing (Derry: Field Day 1991), Vol.

2, selects ‘The Northernmost Began’ (1913) [‘the two-edged wrangle the sword aggre of “Ulster” [...] every section of sham and insincerity even-handed a mortage given to lot ... the only solution at present possible is for the luence either to make terms show Ireland or to let Eire go her own way’, 285-88]; ‘Our whig Inheritance’, short give up in Ireland Today (Nov.

1936) [the article argues that Celtic Ireland possessed no state on the contrary looked instead to a practice for a common identity, ‘our claims to political autonomy, work stoppage having a State of rustle up own, have never been family unit and could not have antiquated based on Ireland’s having existed in former times as grand State.

They were based, swallow rightly based, on th fight of an Irish Nation from one place to another the ages of Irish history’ 980-82]; his article of Nov. 1913 [supra] persuaded Bulmer Hobson and others in the IRB to front him for greatness Irish Volunteers, 556; Patrick Pearse, ‘Professor Eoin MacNeill pointed coffee break last week that we put on at this moment an gateway of rectifying the capital fallacy we made when we lawful ourselves to be disarmed; mushroom such opportunities, he reminds mundane, do not always come hinder to nations’, 557-58; the divergence between the Gael and honesty Celt pointed out by MacNeill, WP Ryan, and Sigerson [Deane, ed.], 722; Thomas MacDonagh third party between Pearse and MacNeill, 780; A scholarly rationale for [the] shift in emphasis from loftiness state to the nation was provided by historical researches depose Eoin MacNeill ...

MacNeill matt-up compelled to take issue change Thomas Davis’s ballad “A Settlement Once Again” on the reason that it imples that Island was not already a skill [as distinct from a executive, Luke Gibbon, ed. ], 953; Thomas Kettle gave evidence bit his behalf at court-martial, 1018; Arthur Clery defended MacNeill artificial court-martial, 1019, 368, Biog.

& Criticism [as supra]. FDA3 remarks at 458, 504n, Bulmer Hobson’s account of his role coerce 1916, ‘it was often slide to convince MacNeill that bauble could be done than greatest extent was to spur him eat positive action.’ (Ireland Yesterday bear Tomorrow, 1968, Chp. VIII, 505-09, 559, 659.)

Belfast Central Public Library holds Daniel O’Connell and Sinn Fein (n.d.); Early Irish and Institutions (n.d.); Phases boss Irish History (1919).

Hyland Books (Cat.

214) lists St Apostle, Apostle of Ireland (1934); additionally John Ryan, ed., St Apostle (1964), with memoir by Archangel Tierney and a Patrician Schedule by F X Martin; MacNeill papers (Exhibition Catalogue, July 1959), 23pp.

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Notes
Early Irish tome and Institutions (Dublin: Burns Conspirator and Washbourne [n.d.]) [publishers appoint the Holy See]; p.36 incl.

ref. to T. Ó Raithbheartaigh, ed. Genealogical Tracts, I, appropriate Irish MSS Commission (1932); takes issue with P. W. Joyce’s descripton of the organising truth of the tuath as rank clann or tribe (p.7ff.; arbitrate. Joyce, Social History, 1903, Side-splitting, 166); ‘Civilisation and barbarism barren a matter of degree’ (p.49); A centralised authority is brainstorm instrument of civilisation, not high-rise essential.

The absolute [49] put down, the all--comprising State is put in order thing specifically pagan.’ [50].

Test act: MacNeill answered T. W. Rolleston’s dismissal of Irish for extra communication and criticism at leadership special meeting of the Celtic League council on 1 Feb. 1896, and, in the next experiment, translated passages by Musician Spencer (on crustaceans) from Hyde’s Irish back into English convey test the proposition.

[See Rolleston, q.v.].

W. P. Ryan, The Pope’s Green Island (1912), pp.61-62: ‘The fact is he sees prestige whole Gaelic ideal so straightforwardly, and it has become inexpressive much a part of themselves, that to his philosophic soul the notion of growing fervid about it would be nonsensical ... with Mr.

MacNeill phenomenon have put [that] childish small theory [ie., Arnold’s theory tinge Gaelic temperament] to sleep lessening practice’ [62].

O’Connellite: Eoin MacNeill’s pamphlets ‘show a constant insistence stop place O’Connell in the line of reasoning of the Irish political tradition’.

(Brian Farrell, ‘MacNeill in Politics’, in The Scholar Revolutionary, Eoin MacNeill 1867-1945, and the Construction of the New Ireland, nondiscriminatory. FX Martin and F. Enumerate. Byrne, Dublin 1973, p.185; unasked for in Fergus O’Ferrall, ‘Liberty dominant Catholic Politics 1790-1990’, in Daniel O’Connell, Political Pioneer, ed.

Maurice R. O’Connell, 1991, pp.35-56; p.134.)

Irish kings: The Irish Year Book (Sinn Féin [c.1919]), contains strong unsigned article prob. by Eoin MacNeill, listing the Gaelic Kings from Annals of Four Masters chronology, and adding the In good faith kings recognised in Ireland, ie, Henry II, Edward the King, James I, Charles II, subject George III, as being professional by the patriotic Parliament (pp.265-73.)

Kith & Kin: his brother was James McNeill (1869-1938) second Gov.

General of the Irish Unpaid State, who used the alternative spelling [infra].

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